China population essay

Women's roles, responsibilities and expectations have changed in dramatic ways as Chinese society has transformed throughout different political eras. From family structure, marriage, and childbirth to education, workforce participation, and political activity, women have seen and taken part in historical transformations that have accelerated over the last century. For students, exploring firsthand evidence of these changes – and witnessing continuities as well – is a far more exciting prospect than simply reading a text or even watching a documentary. There are multiple ways that teachers can offer students windows into the shifting values and beliefs about women in Chinese life; here, we offer three: investigating the design of an early nineteenth-century house; analyzing Communist propaganda posters from the Revolutionary period ; and listening to an oral history of a young woman growing up in today's People's Republic of China. The changes are apparent when comparing these snapshots across time, but examining the sources also adds value , raising   as many questions about women's lives as they answer, whetting students' appetites for an understanding of their context. 

Successful family planning programs listen to the different needs of clients and respond with strategies that expand informed, voluntary contraceptive choice: offering a range of affordable contraceptive methods; providing client-centered, comprehensive counseling; employing a variety of service delivery approaches; and ensuring continuous supplies of contraceptive commodities. Expanding individuals’ contraceptive choices supports increased and continuous contraceptive use, enabling more women and couples to realize their ambitions for themselves and their families and helping communities and nations achieve their development goals. This web feature and accompanying brief explore the rationale for expanding contraceptive choice.

The short-lived Qin dynasty, started by Qin Shi Huang (247-220 BCE), who reunified the Warring States and was the first Chinese ruler to use the title of "emperor", chose Legalism as the state ideology, banning and persecuting all other schools of thought. Confucianism was harshly suppressed, with the burning of Confucian classics and killing of scholars who espoused the Confucian cause . [26] [27] State ritual of the Qin was indeed similar to the following Han ritual. [28] Qin Shi Huang personally held sacrifices to Di at Mount Tai , a site dedicated to the worship of the supreme God since pre-Xia times, and in the suburbs of the capital Xianyang . [29] [30] The emperors of Qin also concentrated the cults of the five forms of God , previously only held at dislocated places, in unified temple complexes. [31]

It is not just that seeking to placate the public at home with braggadocio overseas will make it harder still for China to garner allies and respect. There is a deeper problem. Many countries around the world admire, and would like to emulate, the undemocratic but effective way that China has managed its decades of growth. If China’s domestic politics look less stable, some of that admiration will wane. And even if things can be held together, for the time being, admiration for China does not translate into affection for it, or into a sense of common cause. Economically and militarily, China has come a long way towards regaining the centrality in Asia it enjoyed through much of history. Intellectually and morally, it has not. In the old days it held a “soft power” so strong, according to William Kirby of Harvard University, that “neighbours converted themselves” to it. Now, Mr Xi may know how to assert himself and how to be feared, at home and abroad. But without the ability to exert a greater power of attraction, too, such strength will always tend to destabilise.

China population essay

china population essay

It is not just that seeking to placate the public at home with braggadocio overseas will make it harder still for China to garner allies and respect. There is a deeper problem. Many countries around the world admire, and would like to emulate, the undemocratic but effective way that China has managed its decades of growth. If China’s domestic politics look less stable, some of that admiration will wane. And even if things can be held together, for the time being, admiration for China does not translate into affection for it, or into a sense of common cause. Economically and militarily, China has come a long way towards regaining the centrality in Asia it enjoyed through much of history. Intellectually and morally, it has not. In the old days it held a “soft power” so strong, according to William Kirby of Harvard University, that “neighbours converted themselves” to it. Now, Mr Xi may know how to assert himself and how to be feared, at home and abroad. But without the ability to exert a greater power of attraction, too, such strength will always tend to destabilise.

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